António Moniz

The emergence of the platform economy is the most recent model of outsourcing practices and the flexibilization of the organisation of production supported by the development of information and communication technologies. The spread of this business model has led to the expansion of different precarious forms of employment, the most common being the bogus self-employed. The business model based on digital platforms also has the effect of limiting the capacity of trade unions to represent and defend workers, preventing or limiting, for example, resource to collective bargaining. This article compares the trade union revitalisation strategies deployed in Spain and Portugal in the rider sector by traditional trade unions and associations of delivery workers and precarious workers. The article shows how, in both countries, unions have combined organising and mobilisation strategies with actions aimed at influencing political and regulatory expectations. However, there is evidence of a greater experimentation of practices in the Spanish case, as well as a greater impact and influence of their strategies in political terms. The article also reveals important differences between the two countries regarding the relationship between traditional trade unions and delivery workers' associations.

The so called “crowd work” is an employment form that uses a digital platform to enable organisations or individuals to access other organisations or individuals to solve specific problems or to provide specific services in exchange for payment (Valenduc and Vendramin, 2016). There are many alternative terms for crowd work used in European member states, such as crowd sourcing, crowd employment, sharing economy, platform economy, gig economy, on-demand economy, collaborative economy, Peer-to-peer economy, among others (Eurofound 2018). Recently, the term “digital platform work” has developed recently to be dominant in the literature to refer to sectors where this technology has arrived. Accordingly, this report will proceed using the latter term. These forms of online intermediation have expanded from creative and high-skilled professional activities that became virtualised as a result of digitalisation to a variety of other services and activities, traditionally delivered by self-employed, that involve the maintenance or repair of material commodities or the delivery of services in person, such as cleaning, gardening, household maintenance and transport (Huws, 2017). As a result of this, workers profiles vary from highly skilled IT and creative professionals to very unskilled workers. It has been also noted that many digital platform workers are young people looking for extra income such as students, unemployed or carers (Valenduc and Vendramin, 2016). The main Portuguese reference about work in digital platforms is fused with the Uber app. Its controversial arrival in 2014 triggered fierce responses from several groups. The main legislative reference on digital platform work is the ‘Uber law’. The symbolism of the app expressed as ‘Uberization’ became synonymous of the ‘new’ precariat, seen as a hassle of technology and an attack to organized labour in the country. There are also regulations for Airbnb at state, regional and municipal level intended to limit the number of lodgings in certain areas where touristic activities are very intense. In general, the other platforms are not covered by specific regulations.

This report is the 3rd and final report elaborated for the project CrowdWork by the Portuguese team. The text provides the context in which digital platforms operate, as well as the main governmental initiatives in some of the sectors. Five case studies provide a description of each sector and an analysis of the existing / emerging collective
organisations, their promotors, rationale and extension. In the last chapter, the text presents our main conclusions and recommendations for policy making.

This 1st Report of the project CrowdWork21 presents a summary of the information collected about workers in digital platforms by country (German, Hungary, Portugal and Spain). Each national report describes first the scientific debates about workers of digital platforms. After, the reports present the information collected about the national public debates and identifies the angles normally covered by the media in relation to the organisation of digital workers. Lastly, the reports present initial conclusions about the information collected in each country.